"If it can’t be fixed, it must be changed."
Lee Jun-seok, the presidential candidate of the Reform Party, sharply criticized the 'drama' style conflict over unification occurring within the People Power Party, emphasizing that the conservative faction fundamentally needs a transition of hegemony.
The candidate said, "The People Power Party has failed to erase the ghost of Yoon Suk-yeol (former president), and the power struggle surrounding party leadership is only intensifying. When it can’t be fixed, the center of conservatism must be changed to the Reform Party."
He is continuously mentioned as a potential member of the 'Grand Conservative Big Tent' to confront Lee Jae-myung, the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party of Korea, who is leading the presidential race. However, despite support rates remaining in the single digits, he has repeatedly expressed his intention to complete the race.
On the afternoon of the 9th, he met at the National Assembly members' office in Yeouido, Seoul, where he appeared distinctly different from the older generation in the National Assembly, dressed in a suit without a tie, revealing a white T-shirt (not underwear) underneath his dress shirt. It's a style rarely seen in men over 50.
When a report surfaced that Hong Joon-pyo, former mayor of Daegu, had been appointed as Kim Moon-soo's election campaign chair for the People Power Party, he expressed surprise, saying, "You didn’t mention that during lunch today..." After news broke that former Mayor Hong denied it, he remarked, "I plan to see him off tomorrow as he departs for the U.S." The two are 'friends and colleagues' who continuously communicate and contemplate politics, despite their different party affiliations.
The candidate's face appeared somewhat tired, but his speech was fast, and his voice was filled with vigor. Despite not having received the questionnaire in advance, he responded without hesitation.
The candidate expressed confidence, stating, "While it is true that the People Power Party is attracting attention due to internal disputes, the scenario suggesting it can’t last long is also true. Once that situation is resolved, the upward trend in support for the Reform Party will form."
He stated, "To succeed in the third zone, a significant portion of the floating and uninvolved votes must be attracted," emphasizing that there is no chance of winning against the existing conservative-progressive dichotomy. He cited his actual victory formula in the three-way contest in Dongtan, suggesting that a multi-candidate structure could create opportunities for the Reform Party.
In terms of policies, he emphasized 'government efficiency' and 'local decentralization' as key pledges. The candidate proposed to consolidate 19 ministries into 13 to reduce inter-ministry barriers and shift towards a major ministry approach. He also stated that he would change the local government system to increase authority while also increasing responsibilities, such as granting powers regarding corporate tax rates and minimum wage to local governments. He believes that competition among regions will eliminate populism and allow capable individuals to lead local governments to growth.
The following is a question-and-answer session with the candidate.
<b>―How do you view the situation in the People Power Party?</b>
"I feel a sense of déjà vu having seen this before. There are many structural problems. It’s still mentioned that the shadow of Yoon Suk-yeol looms. Did Kweon Seong-dong and Kweon Seong-dong not realize that this was a desperate measure? There must have been circumstances that forced them into this situation. If that’s true, this party will continue to make similar mistakes in the future. I always say, 'If it can’t be fixed, it must be changed.' I believe that timing is approaching."
<b>―What does it mean to change?</b>
"It means changing the hegemony of conservatism. Throughout this election process, the People Power Party has failed to erase the ghost of Yoon Suk-yeol and has signaled that the struggle surrounding party leadership will intensify. The People Power Party is not a party aiming for presidential power. Therefore, the hegemony must shift towards the Reform Party, which is preparing for a presidential victory."
Has there been any political system that brought victory in conservatism apart from the Kim Jong-in and Lee Jun-seok regimes? The People Power Party was ruined by Yoon Haek-kwan (key figures in Yoon Suk-yeol's camp). If the People Power Party faces an overwhelming defeat in this election, the responsibility will likely fall on Yoon Haek-kwan, who led the current situation. I believe the hegemony will change."
<b>―Is the Reform Party benefiting from the internal conflict in the People Power Party?</b>
"The number of party members is increasing, and the amount of media mention is steadily rising. It seems evident that interest in the Reform Party is growing. The Reform Party values rationality and logic. Discussions among members are active. Above all, as it is led by young politicians, it often addresses issues of fairness and free competition as part of its agenda. There is even an evaluation that the Reform Party presents policies from a traditional conservative perspective."
<b>―The support rate is still in the single digits.</b>
"The post-martial law phase must be resolved quickly for the Reform Party's space to open up, but currently, the People Power Party is staging a drama to attract attention. It seems there are indeed bottlenecks. However, that scenario cannot last long. Therefore, I think once that is resolved, an upward trend in support will form. To succeed in the third zone, a substantial number of non-voters or uninvolved voters classified as 'unknown' and 'none' must be attracted."
<b>―Do you have any thoughts on unification? Many believe you can't defeat Lee Jae-myung without merging.</b>
"In the last general election, among over 40 constituencies in southern Gyeonggi Province, Dongtan adopted an exceptionally three-way structure. The rest were all two-way races, and aside from Bundang and Yangpyeong, which were traditionally advantageous areas for the People Power Party, it couldn’t win in southern Gyeonggi. This means that a significant number of people who would never vote for the People Power Party already constitute a majority."
On the other hand, Dongtan is a district with absolute superiority for the Democratic Party, yet I won by siphoning off a substantial portion of their votes, nearly half. The flexibility available in a three-way or multi-candidate structure created opportunities. (Currently in conservatism) if it continues to challenge in a conservative vs. progressive manner, it will inevitably lose.
<b>―The key support base is somewhat limited to young male voters. You will need to attract support from older generations.</b>
"This has been the most challenging aspect of the elections so far. Seniors often say that if you respond positively to their comments, they wonder why you are drawing lines. For example, when there are claims of 'fraudulent elections,' they ask why not just agree and move on instead of arguing."
However, if you approach it that way, you won’t attract a single vote from the younger generation. How can a politician who shows a tendency to indulge in conspiracy theories appeal to the younger generation? Attracting young voters is 20 times more challenging than gaining support from elderly voters. If Lee Jun-seok is subdued, there will be no young votes to attract.
"The issue of fraudulent elections is simply a matter of right or wrong. Many in the social elite are convinced, and there is no way to acknowledge that these individuals are wrong except to recognize it. It may sound harsh, but I plead earnestly. Those who genuinely love conservatism should not force a binary choice but should open the path for the younger generation."
<b>―Some individuals among those in their 20s say they only support men and discriminate against people with disabilities.</b>
"Gender politics has existed since around 2017-2018. There has been gender conflict among those in their 20s. Lee Jun-seok has dug into and raised issues that have been avoided in politics, making him the target of accusations that he has created gender conflict. This means he is being attacked for bringing these topics to public discussion."
What I’ve emphasized broadly is the need to change the perspective on gender. When patriarchy was strong, women were naturally more likely to experience opportunities being denied. This has led to a sense of apology among men in their 50s and older. The perspective on gender has been viewed from a female-friendly standpoint.
When looking at those in their 20s to 30s now, it’s different. I was born in 1985, and I have not seen instances where individuals were denied educational opportunities simply because they were women. As those with outdated perspectives attempt to teach the 2030 generation, gender conflict arises. We must all accept that the times have changed.
The issue regarding the Disability Discrimination Prevention Alliance is similar. There is a viewpoint difference between the youth, who see individuals with disabilities as equal persons, and those who have viewed them with pity for decades. When the alliance faced issues due to underground subway protests, I stated that the 'method' was the problem.
Today (the 9th), students at Sungkyunkwan University's humanities campus were also negative about this. They took the 4th line to school, yet when the alliance tries to use them as hostages to get their point across, what young person would agree? If you have something to say, I told them to occupy the Reform Party's office or Lee Jun-seok's office. (Changing perspectives) is what I consider reform. It can differ from other parties or established politicians. We have time to take on these challenges."
<b>―What do you mean by having time?</b>
"I, along with Cheon Ha-ram and Lee Joo-young, also born in the 1980s, believe that we have at least 10 to 20 years of political space. This means trying to initiate social changes biologically over a longer period of time."
The issue of pension reform is similar. For mainstream politicians in their mid-60s, it may be possible to just put a blanket over the problem, not seeing the mess underneath. However, for those who will have to engage in politics for 20 to 30 years, a situation will arise where they must take responsibility for the results. If we are to reform, it must be done properly.
Look at Macron in France. Electing a president in their 30s makes a difference. The policies being executed now will impact themselves in 30 to 40 years, so they delve into structural problems such as pension reform.
<b>―What policy pledge is the Reform Party prioritizing?</b>
"We prioritized 'government efficiency' first, and secondly 'strengthening local decentralization.' To enhance government efficiency, we will boldly consolidate 19 ministries into 13. The reason for this is to reduce inter-ministry barriers."
For example, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport and the Ministry of Environment often face opposition in specific matters. To resolve issues, tasks must be under the same ministry. Moving towards a major ministry approach is the right direction.
Moreover, since the bureaucratic society cannot keep up with the creativity of the private sector, bureaucrats emphasize their presence through regulations. We will implement a 'Regulatory Standards Nation' that can revoke regulations faster and more surely than the current sandbox system.
For instance, IT (information technology) businesses that can operate in the U.S. will be able to do so in Pangyo, and biomedical businesses that can operate in Japan (Kobe) will be enabled to do so in Osong. This is a kind of 'regulatory free zone' where regulations are eliminated simultaneously, like with benchmark countries.
We also plan to establish a 'Regulatory Judgment Board' under the Prime Minister. If a request for regulatory relief comes from an administrative department, if they cannot provide reasons for the necessity of the regulation within a fixed period of 30 or 60 days, it will be considered that the regulation has disappeared, allowing immediate business operations.
<b>―Why strengthen local decentralization?</b>
"Until now, there has been no competition among local governments. Even if a business is established, there is not much cost difference between setting it up in Daegu or Seoul. The difference is only slight in leasing and labor costs. Therefore, preference for the metropolitan area has been inevitable.
Recently, Elon Musk moved core corporations like 'SpaceX' from California to a place called Boca Chica, Texas. Environmentalists emerged to hinder their business, and he was unhappy with the taxes, so he made that move. In the U.S., due to its federal structure, there is competition among states to attract corporations, resulting in this shift.
In our country, there is a call for local decentralization and relocation of corporations and institutions, but there are no benefits gained from conducting business in local areas. This is because local governments lack decision-making powers. If the corporate tax rates and wage conditions are the same everywhere, who would want to go to the countryside? By strengthening local autonomy and granting local governments the authority to set corporate tax rates and minimum wages, natural competition can emerge.
This way, it will no longer happen that one party monopolizes local politics. Major economic decisions need to be made by governors, mayors, or county heads, and these individuals cannot be chosen at random. If some fool suddenly raises the minimum wage by 30% to 13,000 won per hour, jobs will disappear and ruin the locality.
Both parties will compete to attract talent. Individuals capable of changing their communities from a CEO perspective will enter local politics, thereby transforming the political landscape. Currently, it is difficult for even incompetent individuals to succeed or fail.
<b>―The decline in potential growth rate is often attributed to demographic structures. If there are solutions, what are they?</b>
"The high marriage age in our country seems to greatly impact the birth rate. It has become common for individuals to take a leave of absence to study for entrance exams or certifications, often resulting in employment in their late 20s. After about five years of entering the workforce, they reach a point in their careers where they must decide whether to marry (bear children and raise them)."
Particularly for women, delaying marriage and childbirth is linked to the fear of career interruption. It is necessary to policy-wise expedite the timing of social entry to address this issue. There is also a need to design policies to reduce the advantage of re-taking exams. The U.S. is doing it that way. Additionally, allowing multiple opportunities for college entrance examinations each year may also effectively reduce the instances of re-taking them.
The education level of the workforce also significantly affects the potential growth rate. The results of educational policies over the past 10 to 20 years have led to a decline in standards. South Korea, which once dominated the international academic performance assessments (PISA), is now falling behind even in East Asia.
We need to move away from reducing learning hours and instead increase them while raising overall standards. To achieve this, public support is essential to ensure that students do not give up on important subjects. An example is the 'National Responsibility System for Math Education.' We need an education system that can support each student without leaving anyone behind."
<b>―You spoke about reducing 'excessive welfare based on favoritism' and focusing on 'necessary areas.'</b>
"For instance, concerning health insurance, moral hazard is serious. Thousands of people utilize health insurance benefits over 366 times a year, and over 200,000 people receive them for more than 120 days. Even simple treatments can rack up costs, with individuals receiving millions of won per month at basic rates; it’s hard to believe those individuals will contribute that much. This is why health insurance deficits are increasing."
During the Park Geun-hye administration, after the MERS (Middle East Respiratory Syndrome) crisis led to a decrease in hospital utilization, the health insurance fund had trillions of won surplus. However, after the Moon Jae-in administration implemented 'Moon Jae-in care,' the financial situation of the health insurance fund worsened. Although MRI (Magnetic Resonance Imaging) is an advanced medical tool, it ended up being treated like basic medical care. The unemployment benefits situation that encourages moral hazard is problematic, and there is a considerable amount of such instances.
"We want to expand the field of education. If individuals over 40 want to pursue higher education again, we hope to support them. Methods like providing national scholarships for college students to those over 40 can be considered. Investing in human resources, which is a core element for boosting productivity, by supporting second careers is a good investment."